203 lines
12 KiB
Plaintext
203 lines
12 KiB
Plaintext
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Environmental Planning
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And he who becomes master of a city used to being free and does not
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destroy her can expect to be destroyed by her, because always she has as
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pretext in rebellion the name of liberty and her old customs, which never
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through either length of time or benefits are forgotten, and in spite of
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anything that can be done or foreseen, unless citizens are disunited or
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dispersed, they do not forget that name and those institutions....
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Machiavelli, The Prince
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165
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The capitalist production system has unified space, breaking down the
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boundaries between one society and the next. This unification is also a
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process, at once extensive and intensive, of trivialization. Just as the
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accumulation of commodities mass-produced for the abstract space of the
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market inevitably shattered all regional and legal barriers, as well as all
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those corporative restrictions that served in the Middle Ages to preserve the
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quality of craft production, so too it was bound to dissipate the
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independence and quality of places. The power to homogenize is the heavy
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artillery that has battered down all Chinese walls.
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166
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If henceforward the free space of commodities is subject at every moment to
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modification and reconstruction, this is so that it may become ever more
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identical to itself, and achieve as nearly as possible a perfectly static
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monotony.
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167
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This society eliminates geographical distance only to reap distance
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internally in the form of spectacular separation.
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168
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Human circulation considered as something to be consumed -- tourism -- is a
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by-product of the circulation of commodities; basically, tourism is the
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chance to go and see what has been made trite. The economic management of
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travel to different places suffices in itself to ensure those places'
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interchangeability. The same modernization that has deprived travel of its
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temporal aspect has likewise deprived it of the reality of space.
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169
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A society that molds its entire surroundings has necessarily evolved its own
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techniques for working on the material basis of this set of tasks. That
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material basis is the society's actual territory. Urbanism is the mode of
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appropriation of the natural and human environment by capitalism, which, true
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to its logical development toward absolute domination, can (and now must)
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refashion the totality of space into its own peculiar decor.
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170
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The requirement of capitalism that is met by urbanism in the form of a
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freezing of life might be described, in Hegelian terms, as an absolute
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predominance of "tranquil side-by-sideness" in space over "restless becoming
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in the progression of time."
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171
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It is true that all the capitalist economy's technical forces should be
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understood as effecting separations, but in the case of urbanism we are
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dealing with the fitting out of the general basis of those forces, with the
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readying of the ground in preparation for their deployment -- in a word, with
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the technology of separation itself.
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172
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Urbanism is the modern way of tackling the ongoing need to safeguard class
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power by ensuring the atomization of workers dangerously massed together by
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the conditions of urban production. The unremitting struggle that has had to
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be waged against the possibility of workers coming together in whatever
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manner has found a perfect field of action in urbanism. The effort of all
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established powers, since the experience of the French Revolution, to augment
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their means of keeping order in the street has eventually culminated in the
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suppression of the street itself. Evoking a "civilization . . . moving along
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a one-way road," Lewis Mumford, in The City in History, points out that with
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the advent of long-distance mass communications, the isolation of the
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population has become a much more effective means of control. But the general
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trend toward isolation, which is the essential reality of urbanism, must also
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embody a controlled reintegration of the workers based on the planned needs
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of production and consumption. Such an integration into the system must
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recapture isolated individuals as individuals isolated together. Factories
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and cultural centers, holiday camps and housing developments -- all are
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expressly oriented to the goals of a pseudo-community of this kind. These
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imperatives pursue the isolated individual right into the family cell, where
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the generalized use of receivers of the spectacle's message ensures that his
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isolation is filled with the dominant images -- images that indeed attain
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their full force only by virtue of this isolation.
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173
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In all previous periods, architectural innovation served the ruling class
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exclusively; now for the first time there is such a thing as a new
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architecture specifically for the poor. Both formal poverty and the immense
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extension of this new experience in housing are the result of its mass
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character, dictated at once by its ultimate ends and by the modern conditions
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of construction. At the core of these conditions we naturally find an
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authoritarian decision-making process that abstractly develops any
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environment into an environment of abstraction. The same architecture appears
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everywhere just as soon as industrialization begins, even in the countries
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that are the furthest behind in this regard, for even these are considered a
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fertile terrain for the implantation of the new type of social existence. The
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threshold crossed in the growth of society's material power, and the
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corresponding lag in the conscious appropriation of this power, are just as
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clearly manifested in urbanism as they are, say, in the spheres of nuclear
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weapons or of the management of births (where the possibility of manipulated
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heredity is already on the horizon).
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174
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We already live in the era of the self-destruction of the urban environment.
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The explosion of cities into the countryside, covering it with what Mumford
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calls "formless masses" of urban debris, is presided over in unmediated
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fashion by the requirements of consumption. The dictatorship of the
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automobile, the pilot product of the first stage of commodity abundance, has
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left its mark on the landscape in the dominance of freeways that bypass the
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old urban centers and promote an ever greater dispersal. Meanwhile, instants
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of incomplete reorganization of the urban fabric briefly crystallize around
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the "distribution factories" -- giant shopping centers created ex nihilo and
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surrounded by acres of parking space; but even these temples of frenetic
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consumption are subject to the irresistible centrifugal trend, and when, as
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partial reconstructions of the city, they in turn become overtaxed secondary
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centers, they are likewise cast aside. The technical organization of
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consumption is thus merely the herald of that general process of dissolution
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which brings the city to the point where it consumes itself.
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175
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The history of the economy, whose development has turned entirely on the
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opposition between town and country, has progressed so far that it has now
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succeeded in abolishing both of these poles. The present paralysis of overall
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historical development, due to the exclusive pursuit of the economy's
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independent goals, means that the moment when town and country begin to
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disappear, so far from marking the transcendence of the split between them,
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marks instead their simultaneous collapse. The reciprocal erosion of town and
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country that has resulted from the faltering of the historical movement by
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whose means existing urban reality should have been superseded is clearly
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reflected in the bits and pieces of both that are strewn across the most
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advanced portions of the industrialized world.
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176
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Universal history was born in cities, and attained its majority with the
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town's decisive victory over the country. Marx considered that one of the
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bourgeoisie's great merits as a revolutionary class was the fact that it
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"subjected the country to the rule of the towns" -- whose very air made one
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free. But while the history of cities is certainly a history of freedom, it
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is also a history of tyranny, of State administration controlling not only
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the country but also the city itself. The towns may have supplied the
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historical battleground for the struggle for freedom, but up to now they have
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not taken possession of that freedom. The city is the locus of history
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because it embodies at once a concentration of social power, which is what
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makes the historical enterprise possible, and a consciousness of the past.
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The present urge to destroy cities is thus merely another index of the
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belatedness of the economy's subordination to historical consciousness, the
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tardiness of a unification that will enable society to recapture its
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alienated powers.
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177
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The country demonstrates just the opposite factÑ isolation and separation" (
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The German Ideology). As it destroys the cities, urbanism institutes a
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pseudo-countryside devoid not only of the natural relationships of the
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country of former times but also of the direct (and directly contested)
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relationships of the historical cities. The forms of habitation and the
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spectacular control of today's "planned environment" have created a new,
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artificial peasantry. The geographic dispersal and narrow-mindedness that
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always prevented the peasantry from undertaking independent action and
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becoming a creative historical force are equally characteristic of these
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modern producers, for whom the movement of a world of their own making is
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every bit as inaccessible as were the natural rhythms of work for an earlier
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agrarian society. The traditional peasantry was the unshakeable basis of
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"Oriental despotism," and its very scatteredness called forth bureaucratic
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centralization; the new peasantry that has emerged as the product of the
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growth of modern state bureaucracy differs from the old in that its apathy
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has had to be historically manufactured and maintained: natural ignorance has
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given way to the organized spectacle of error. The "new towns" of the
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technological pseudo-peasantry are the clearest of indications, inscribed on
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the land, of the break with historical time on which they are founded; their
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motto might well be: "On this spot nothing will ever happen -- and nothing
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ever has." Quite obviously, it is precisely because the liberation of
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history, which must take place in the cities, has not yet occurred, that the
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forces of historical absence have set about designing their own exclusive
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landscape there.
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178
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The same history that threatens this twilight world is capable of subjecting
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space to a directly experienced time. The proletarian revolution is that
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critique of human geography whereby individuals and communities must
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construct places and events commensurate with the appropriation, no longer
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just of their labor, but of their total history. By virtue of the resulting
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mobile space of play, and by virtue of freely chosen variations in the rules
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of the game, the independence of places will be rediscovered without any new
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exclusive tie to the soil, and thus too the authentic journey will be
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restored to us, along with authentic life understood as a journey containing
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its whole meaning within itself.
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179
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The most revolutionary idea concerning city planning derives neither from
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urbanism, nor from technology, nor from aesthetics. I refer to the decision
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to reconstruct the entire environment in accordance with the needs of the
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power of established workers' councils -- the needs, in other words, of the
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anti-State dictatorship of the proletariat, the needs of dialogue invested
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with executive power. The power of workers' councils can be effective only if
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it transforms the totality of existing conditions, and it cannot assign
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itself any lesser a task if it aspires to be recognized -- and to recognize
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itself -- in a world of its own design.
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From the Society of the Spectacle, by Guy Debord
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