330 lines
14 KiB
Plaintext
330 lines
14 KiB
Plaintext
4 articles
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From WS 45 (1995)
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Perks Before People, DL Endorse Water Cut-Offs
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The formation of the "Rainbow Coalition" in
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December led to a number of promises of change in
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the double taxation service charges which have been
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vigorously opposed by residents' and community
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groups throughout the state since their inception.
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Legislation was promised to "delimit" the power of
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County Councils to disconnect water supply for non-
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payment of charges. Within hours of the
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government's formation, newly-appointed Minister of
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State Pat Rabbitte of Democratic Left was on RTE
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television pledging that "there will be no more
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disconnections" (or words to that effect).
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Rabbitte's statement came at a particularly emotive
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time. The previous three weeks had seen a massive
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campaign where the power of local residents' groups
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and the Federation of Dublin Anti-Water Charge
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Campaigns had combined to defeat attempts by South
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Dublin County Council to disconnect non-payers'
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water supply.
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************* Empty promise *************
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As we go to press however (early April) - over
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three months into the government's life - the
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government has just announced its proposed
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legislation and it is clear that the pledges in the
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Programme for Government represented no more than
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the usual empty political promises. The
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"delimiting" of the Councils' power to disconnect
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water simply means that Council officials will have
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to get a court order to allow them to do so. For
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Democratic Left this involves a total capitulation.
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Having made the abolition of service charges one of
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their main demands on entering the negotiations to
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form a government and having met with stiff
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resistance to this from both Labour and Fine Gael,
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they opted for the social democrats' usual response
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in sticky situations - fudge it, come up with a
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formulation of words likely to keep everyone happy
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for the time being. Thus the demand for complete
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abolition of the charges was quietly shelved,
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attention was focussed on disconnections and the
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word "delimit" made its appearance. To DL it meant
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that disconnections were finished. However to
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Labour and Fine Gael (and according to the
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dictionary) the meaning was somewhat different
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(DELIMIT: to fix or mark the limit of - Chambers's
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20th Century Dictionary).
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It didn't take long for the County Managers to spot
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the loophole. With Councils throughout the State
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experiencing a dramatic fall-off in revenue as PAYE
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taxpayers took Pat Rabbitte at his word and joined
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the non-payment campaign (e.g. Meath County
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Council's income from charges fell from £122,000 in
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January 1994 to £79,000 in January 1995) Council
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officials launched an intensive lobby on government
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ministers to maintain the right to disconnect.
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Far from sweet
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As reports emerged that the issue of water charges
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and disconnections had led to several rows among
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cabinet ministers and crisis meetings between the
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leaders of the three government parties, it began
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to appear that the fudge was far from sweet. And
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when the legislation was finally announced - just
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days before DL's Annual Delegate Conference - the
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capitulation was complete. A party which had
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started out from a position of complete opposition
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to service charges had endorsed the right of
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Councils to disconnect water supply to non-payers -
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provided they got a court order first!
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The argument put forward - even by some DL
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activists who had been involved in the fight
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against service charges is that they are 'only a
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small party', that the issue would not even be on
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the agenda but for them and - of course - that it
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is 'a step in the right direction'. They should
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try telling that to the 900 people who had their
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supply cut-off last year or to the hundreds now
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likely to face court summonses. And while the DL
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Conference did pass an amended motion criticising
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the government for failing to call service charges
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double taxation, they overwhelmingly rejected a
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motion condemning the party leadership for not
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gaining a government commitment to abolish the
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charges.
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The lesson for anti-service charge campaigners -
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and indeed for all members of the working class -
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should be clear. Trust no-one but yourselves, the
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only way to victory is through solidarity action
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and through a continuation and intensification of
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the campaign. Those who claim to use
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"parliamentary democracy" to achieve change will
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eventually compromise and fudge - usually in the
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cause of something called "the national interest".
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We're not paying
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County Councils in Dublin and elsewhere know that
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the vast majority of people are not going to pay
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these charges in 1995 just as they refused to pay
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them in 1994. They also know that the threat of
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disconnections or court action doesn't worry us.
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When they tried their intimidatory tactics before,
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they were sent packing. Anti-service charge
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campaigners should now have but one message for
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those who would attempt to fudge the issue - stop
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trying to fool us, we know that your mercs and
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perks are more important to you than your
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principles (if you have any left).
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Continue the campaign
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The Federation of Dublin Anti-Water Charge
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Campaigns has outlined a strategy to render the new
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regulations on disconnections unworkable. This
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strategy will include
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*Every court case must be contested
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*No householder will be isolated and there will be
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a coordinated approach to all court hearings
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*Legal advice and representation will be arranged
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*In the event of disconnection being ordered, this
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will be resisted by peaceful protest
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*Where water is disconnected, reconnection will be
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arranged
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*Appeals will be made to local authority workers
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and their trade unions to continue to refuse to co-
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operate with disconnections
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*********************************************************
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** Water charge campaigners ready for action **
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NEW THREAT OF CUT-OFFS
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DO YOU REMEMBER Democratic LeftÕs election promises? The
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party who contested the last election on an anti-service
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charges platform have convinced their Fine Gael and Labour
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partners to drag non-payers through the courts instead of
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immediately cutting off their water. Hooray! Like all
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professional politicians, DL see no reason to stand by their
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election promises. According to their way of doing things,
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voters are merely sheep who can be told anything to get
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their votes and then promptly forgotten about.
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Before the Act was even passed householders in Dœn
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Laoghaire/Rathdown and Fingal got letters threatening them
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with instant court action if they didnÕt pay up without
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delay. This scare tactic was intended to frighten people
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into paying. It didnÕt work. 60% (70,000 households) are
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refusing to pay in the three Dublin county areas.
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Under the legislation two further letters have to be
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sent, with at least two weeks between them. The third one
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has to be delivered either by hand or by recorded post.
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Only then can the county manager seek a court date. It
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looks like September may see the start of court cases, South
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Dublin Council having already sent out the first two letters
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to non-payers.
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The Federation of Dublin Anti-Water Charge Campaigns is
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ready for action. Local meetings have been held throughout
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the three Dublin council areas, some attracting over 100
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people. If enough people stick together we can follow the
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hot summer with a hotter autumn. The courts canÕt defeat us
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if we stay united, and we have already shown that the
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Federation can turn disconnections into reconnections within
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hours.
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Keep up the refusal to pay, get more information,
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contact the campaign at 494 7025 (Gregor Kerr) or 820 1753
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(Joe Higgins).
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NATIONAL CONFERENCE
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Anti-Charges campaigners from Cork, Limerick, Dundalk,
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Galway, Offaly, Monaghan and the three Dublin council areas
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met in May. Over 80 activists shared information and
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reaffirmed their intention to resist double taxation,
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whether it be called Ôservice chargesÕ, ÔratesÕ, or
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Ôcommunity development chargesÕ.
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One particularly petty response to the campaign was
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reported from Limerick where the County Council is now
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charging people for waiver application forms. Waivers are
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supposed to be for people who cannot afford to pay the
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charges! Hopefully householders in the county area will
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take a lesson from the those in the Corporation area whose
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campaigning led to the abolition of service charges back in
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1991. The Corporation had employed contractors to wreck
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water pipes leading into the homes of 140 non-payers on a
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Friday afternoon, the local campaign had every one of them
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reconnected by noon the next day. After that the
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politicians admitted defeat and abolished charges in their
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area.
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OUTRAGEOUS ACCOUNTANTS AND OUTRAGED TAXPAYERS
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When the government suggested that accountants be obliged to
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report tax evasion by their clients they held a mass meeting
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in DublinÕs RDS to protest at this "outrage". If some kid
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robs a car radio these are the sort of people who scream for
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harsher punishments and more garda’ on the streets. When
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they are told to report major frauds involving millions of
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pounds they are indignant. Finance Minister Ruairi Quinn
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agrees with them. Section 153 of the Finance Act allows
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them to overlook £5,000 in tax fraud.
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Last year the average PAYE worker paid 34,115 in income
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tax. Last year also saw a tax amnesty for rich tax didgers
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and big business which wrote off at least £500 million.
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This amount would have funded all the service charges in the
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country for the next ten years.
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They had hardly started their meeting when a dozen people
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from anti-water charge groups took over the stage and hung
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up big banner inscribed with "When big business cheats, PAYE
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workers pay". The meeting was held up for half an hour
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while the accountants were given a lecture about how little
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tax the wealthy pay and how much is taken from working
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people. They all had to sit and listen as some dopey
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accountant had locked the door of the hall to stop more
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protesters getting in and then couldnÕt open it again!
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*******************************************************
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** Have I got news for you **
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SUNDAY MAY 13th saw the first national conference of
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anti-water charge campaigns from all around the
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country. In Dublin a majority of eligible
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householders are ignoring the law and refusing to
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pay. Similar figures are available elsewhere. Yet
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this conference received only one and a half column
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inches in the Irish Times, and no mention in any
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other paper.
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Meanwhile the Finance Minister, Ruairi Quinn, was bringing
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in a new law which will require accountants to report any of
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their clients who they discover are breaking the law by
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trying to cheat on tax. The accountants protested by
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holding meetings and issuing press statements. Their side
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was covered in all sections of the media: radio, newspapers
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and television. Special TV programmes were made about them,
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and they even had an accountant on Questions & Answers to
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plead their case.
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Biased reporting
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This is a good example of the way reporting is carried
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out. TV, radio and newspapers publish very bland accounts
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of what is going on. They may make a big deal, and give us
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all a laugh, out of the so-called sexual scandals of the
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British Tory party. We also see a lot of articles
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criticising working class people such as "dole spongers" or
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people claiming "too much" on their insurance. But serious
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investigative journalism is usually avoided when it comes to
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business or politics. In general, the mass media is pro-
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business and pro-state.
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It is not a conspiracy
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This is not a conspiracy theory. We do not belive
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there is a secret force controlling mainstream media
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reporting, intent on bending the truth one way or another.
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There are very good reasons why the media is as it is.
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It costs a fortune own a newspaper or TV company.
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Anybody who does so, like Tony O'Reilly, Rupert Murdoch or
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Conrad Black, is a millionaire. Media moguls are in the
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same league as the rest of the rich. They hang pout in the
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same clubs, they buy racehorses from each other and, more
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importantly, they have similar economic interests.
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They all want a stable economy, friendly to capitalists
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like themselves. They support each other in trying to lower
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their employees' wages and breaking strikes. They all want
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to see lower public spending on services like health, and
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more tax breaks for the rich. While it is true that they
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complete with each other for audiences and advertising, it
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is also true that they have far more in common with each
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other than with the rest of us.
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Power of advertising
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There is a more direct link that connects the ruling
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class with media coverage. That is advertising and
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shareholding. Most papers and broadcasting stations depend
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on advertising to stay afloat. It costs thousands of pounds
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to put even a short advert. on TV or in a national
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newspaper. That is why most of it comes from
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multinationals, banks, insurance firms, etc.
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If one newspaper published articles slagging off the
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Bank of Ireland, they would soon find the bank refusing to
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buy advertising space from them. There are only so many big
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advertisers.
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If a media outlet was to lose this advertising to a
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competitor they would quickly find themselves in trouble.
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Profits would fall, and the shareholders would threaten to
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pull out. So no media company will be in hurry to publish
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controversial news about a company that advertises with
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them. Likewise, they are most unlikely to publish anything
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controversial about people who own shares in their firm.
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The process can be more subtle, harder to pinpoint.
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Most media are dependent on advertising to be profitable,
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and advertisers target certain groups in their campaigns
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(e.g. people with high incomes). The paper or TV station,
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then, will also have to target these groups if it is to
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attract advertising, which further narrows the range of
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opinions they are likely to broadcast.
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These factors help to ensure that little of a
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controversial nature gets into the mainstream propaganda
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networks. It makes simple economic sense. That is why a
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massive, if passive, revolt can take place in the suburbs of
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Ireland and the media are not interested. And that is why
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it takes amateurs putting in voluntary time and energy to
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publish alternative news and ideas.
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Andrew Blackmore
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