Files
2021-04-15 13:31:59 -05:00

316 lines
13 KiB
Plaintext

Bakunn on Education II
[deals with natural ability etc, good for the
old lib-caps]
We have shown how, as long as there are two or
more degrees of instruction for the various
strata of society, there must, of necessity, be
classes, that is, economic and political
privilege for a small number of the contented
and slavery and misery for the lot of the
generality of men.
As members of the International Working Men's
Association (IWMA/AIT), we seek equality and,
because we seek it, we must also seek integral
education, the same education for everyone.
But if everyone is schooled who will want to
work? we hear someone ask. Our answer to that
is a simple one: everyone must work and
everyone must receive education. To this, it
is very often objected that this mixing of
industrial with intellectual labour cannot be,
except one or the other suffer by it. The
manual workers will make poor scholars, and the
scholars will never be more than quite pathetic
workers. True, in the society of today where
manual labour and intellectual labour are
equally distorted by the quite artificial
isolation in which both are kept. But we are
quite persuaded that in the rounded human
being, each of these pursuits, the muscular and
the nervous, must be developed in equal measure
and that far from being inimical each must lean
upon, enhance and reinforce the other. The
science of the sage will become more fruitful,
more useful and more expansive when the sage is
no longer a stranger to manual labour, and the
labours of the workmen, when he is educated,
will be more intelligent and thus more
productive than those of an ignorant workman.
From which it follows that, for work's sake as
much as for the sake of science, there must no
longer be this division into workers and
scholars and henceforth there must be only men.
The result of this is that those men who are
today, on account of their superior intellects,
caught up in the ivory towers of science and
who, once they have established themselves in
this world, yield to the need for a thoroughly
bourgeois position and bend their every
invention to the exclusive use of the
privileged class to which they themselves
belong. These men, I say, once they become
truly the fellows of everyone, fellows not just
in their imagination nor just in their speech
but in fact, in their work, will just as
necessarily convert their inventions and
applications of their learning to the benefit
of all, and especially apply themselves to the
task of making work (the basis, the only real
and rightful basis of human society) lighter
and more dignified.
It is quite possible and, indeed, likely that
during the period of fairly lengthy transition
which will, naturally, succeed the great crisis
of society, the loftiest sciences will fall
considerably below their current levels.
Equally, it is not to be doubted that luxury
and everything constituting the refinements of
life will have to disappear from the social
scene for quite a long time and will not be
able to reappear as the exclusive amusements of
a few, but will have to return as ways of
dignifying life for everybody, and then only
once society has conquered need in all of us.
But would this temporary eclipse of the lofty
sciences be such a misfortune? Whatever science
may lose in terms of sublime elevation, will it
not win through the extension of its base?
Doubtless there will be fewer illustrious
sages, but at the same time there will be fewer
ignoramuses too. There will be no more of
these men who can touch the skies, but, on the
other hand, millions of men who may be degraded
and crushed today will be able to tread the
earth as human beings: no demigods, but no
slaves either. Both the slave and the demigods
will achieve human-ness, the one by rising a
lot, the other by stooping a little. Thus no
longer will there be a place for deification,
nor for contumely. Everyone will shake hands
with his neighbour and, once reunited, we shall
all march with a new spring in our steps,
onwards to new conquests, in the realm of
science as in the realm of life itself.
So, far from having any misgivings about that
eclipse of science - which will be in any case
only a fleeting one we ought to call for it
with all our powers since its effect will be to
humanise both scholar and manual labourer and
to reconcile science and life. And we are
convinced that, once we have achieved this new
foundation, the progress of mankind, in the
realm of science as elsewhere in life, will
very quickly outstrip everything that we have
seen and everything we might conjure up in our
imaginations today. But here another question
crops up: will every individual have an equal
capacity for absorbing education to the same
degree? Let us imagine a society organised
along the most egalitarian lines, a society in
which children will, from birth onwards, start
out with the same circumstances economically,
socially and politically, which is to say the
same upkeep, the same education, the same
instruction: among these thousands of tiny
individuals will there not be an infinite
variety of enthusiasms, natural inclinations
and aptitudes?
Such is the big argument advanced by our
adversaries, the bourgeois pure and simple, and
the bourgeois socialists as well. They imagine
it to be unanswerable. So let us try to prove
the opposite. Well, to begin with, by what
right do they make their stand for the
principle of individual capabilities? Is there
room for the development of capabilities in
society as at present constituted? Can there be
room for that development in a society which
continues to have the right of inheritance as
its foundation? Self-evidently not; for, from
the moment that the right of inheritance
applies, the career of children will never be
determined by their individual gifts and
application: it will be determined primarily by
their economic circumstances, by the wealth or
poverty of their families. Wealthy but empty-
headed heirs will receive a superior education;
the most intelligent children of the
proletariat will receive ignorance as their
inheritance, just as happens at present. So,
is it not hypocritical, when speaking not only
of society as it is today but even of a
reformed society which would still have as its
fundaments private property ownership and the
right of inheritance - Is it not sordid
sophistry to talk about individual rights based
on individual capabilities? There is such a lot
of talk today of individual liberty, yet what
prevails is not the individual person, nor the
individual in general, but the individual upon
whom privilege is conferred by his social
position. Thus what counts is position and
class. Just let one intelligent individual
from the ranks of the bourgeoisie dare to take
a stand against the economic privileges of that
respectable class and you will see how much
these good bourgeois, forever prattling about
individual liberty today, respect his liberty
as an individual Don't talk to us about
individual abilities! Is it not an everyday
thing for us to see the greatest abilities of
working men and bourgeois forced to give way
and even to kowtow before the crass stupidity
of the heirs to the golden calf? Individual
liberty - not privileged liberty but human
liberty, and the real potential of individuals
- will only be able to enjoy full expansion in
a regime of complete equality. When there
exists an equality of origins for all men on
this earth then, and only then (with
safeguards, of course, for the superior calls
of fellowship or solidarity, which is and ever
shall remain the greatest producer of all
social phenomena, from human intelligence to
material wealth) only then will one be able to
say, with more reason than one can today, that
every individual is a self-made man. Hence our
conclusion is that, if individual talents are
to prosper and no longer be thwarted in
bringing forth their full fruits, the first
precondition is that all individual privileges,
economic as well as political, must disappear,
which is to say that all class distinctions
must be abolished. That requires that private
property rights and the rights of inheritance
must go, and equality must triumph
economically, politically and socially.
But once equality has triumphed and is well
established, will there be no lonaer any
difference in the talents and degree of
application of the various individuals? There
will be a difference, not so many as exist
today, perhaps, but there will always be
differences. Of that there can be no doubt.
This is a proverbial truth which will probably
never cease to be true - that no tree ever
brings forth two leaves that are exactly
identical. How much more will this be true of
men, men being much more complicated creatures
than leaves. But such diversity, far from
constituting an affliction is, as the German
philosopher Feuerbach has forcefully noted, one
of the assets of mankind. Thanks to it, the
human race is a collective whole wherein each
human being complements the rest and has need
of them; so that this infinite variation in
human beings is the very cause and chief basis
of their solidarity - an important argument in
favour of equality.
Basically, even in todays society, if one
excepts two categories of men - men of genius
and idiots - and provided one abstracts
conjured up artificially through the influence
of a thousand social factors such as education,
instruction, economic and political status
which create differences not merely within each
social stratum, but in almost every family
unit, one will concede that from the point of
view of intellectual gifts and moral energy the
vast majority of men are very much alike or, at
least, are worth about the same - weakness in
one regard being almost always counterbalanced
by an equivalent strength in another, so that
it becomes impossible to say whether one man
chosen from this mass is much the superior or
the inferior of his neighbour. The vast
majority of men are not identical but
equivalent and thus equal.
Which means that the line of argument pursued
by our adversaries is left with nothing but the
geniuses and the idiots.
As we know, idiocy is a psychological and
social affliction. Thus, it should be treated
not in the schools but in the hospitals and one
is entitled to expect that a more rational
system of social hygiene - above all, one that
cares more for the physical and moral well-
being of the individual than the current system
- will some day be introduced and that together
with a new society organised along egalitarian
lines it will eventually eradicate from the
surface of the earth this affliction of idiocy,
such a humiliation to the human race. As for
the men of genius, one should note first of all
that, happily or unhappily, according to one's
main point of view, such men have not featured
in the history of mankind except as the
extremely rare exceptions to all of the rules
known to us and one cannot organise to cater
for exceptions. Even so, it is our hope that
the society of the future will be able to
discover, through a truly practical popular
organisation of its collective assets the means
by which to render such geniuses less
necessary, less intimidating and more truly the
benefactors of us all. For we must never lose
sight of Voltaire's great dictum: 'There is
someone with more wit than the greatest
geniuses, and that is everyone'. So it is
merely a question of organising this everyone
for the sake of the fullest liberty rooted in
the most complete economic, political and
social equality, and one need no longer fear
the dictatorial ambitions and despotic
inclinations of the men of genius.
As for turning out such men of genius through
education, one ought to banish the thought from
one's mind. Moreover, of all the men of genius
we have known thus far, none or almost none
ever displayed their genius while yet in their
childhood, nor in their adolescence nor yet in
their early youth. Only in their mature years
did they ever reveal themselves geniuses and
several were not recognised as such until after
their death whereas many supposedly great men
having had their praises sung while youths by
better men have finished their careers in the
most absolute obscurity. So it is never in the
childhood years, nor even in the adolescent
years that one can discern and determine the
comparative excellencies and shortcomings of
men, nor the extent of their talents, nor their
inborn aptitudes. All of these things only
become obvious and are governed by the
development of the individual person and, just
as there are some natures precocious and some
very slow - although the latter are by no means
inferior and, indeed, are often superior - so
no schoolmaster will ever be in a position to
specify in advance the career or nature of the
occupations which his charges will choose once
they attain the age when they have the freedom
to choose.
>From which it follows that society,
disregarding any real or imagined differences
in aptitudes or abilities and possessed of no
means of determining these in any event and of
no right to allot the future career of children
owes them all, without a single exception, an
absolutely equal education and instruction.
[Egalite, 14 August 1869]