316 lines
13 KiB
Plaintext
316 lines
13 KiB
Plaintext
Bakunn on Education II
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[deals with natural ability etc, good for the
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old lib-caps]
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We have shown how, as long as there are two or
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more degrees of instruction for the various
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strata of society, there must, of necessity, be
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classes, that is, economic and political
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privilege for a small number of the contented
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and slavery and misery for the lot of the
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generality of men.
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As members of the International Working Men's
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Association (IWMA/AIT), we seek equality and,
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because we seek it, we must also seek integral
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education, the same education for everyone.
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But if everyone is schooled who will want to
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work? we hear someone ask. Our answer to that
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is a simple one: everyone must work and
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everyone must receive education. To this, it
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is very often objected that this mixing of
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industrial with intellectual labour cannot be,
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except one or the other suffer by it. The
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manual workers will make poor scholars, and the
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scholars will never be more than quite pathetic
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workers. True, in the society of today where
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manual labour and intellectual labour are
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equally distorted by the quite artificial
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isolation in which both are kept. But we are
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quite persuaded that in the rounded human
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being, each of these pursuits, the muscular and
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the nervous, must be developed in equal measure
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and that far from being inimical each must lean
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upon, enhance and reinforce the other. The
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science of the sage will become more fruitful,
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more useful and more expansive when the sage is
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no longer a stranger to manual labour, and the
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labours of the workmen, when he is educated,
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will be more intelligent and thus more
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productive than those of an ignorant workman.
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From which it follows that, for work's sake as
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much as for the sake of science, there must no
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longer be this division into workers and
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scholars and henceforth there must be only men.
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The result of this is that those men who are
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today, on account of their superior intellects,
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caught up in the ivory towers of science and
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who, once they have established themselves in
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this world, yield to the need for a thoroughly
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bourgeois position and bend their every
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invention to the exclusive use of the
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privileged class to which they themselves
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belong. These men, I say, once they become
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truly the fellows of everyone, fellows not just
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in their imagination nor just in their speech
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but in fact, in their work, will just as
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necessarily convert their inventions and
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applications of their learning to the benefit
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of all, and especially apply themselves to the
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task of making work (the basis, the only real
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and rightful basis of human society) lighter
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and more dignified.
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It is quite possible and, indeed, likely that
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during the period of fairly lengthy transition
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which will, naturally, succeed the great crisis
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of society, the loftiest sciences will fall
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considerably below their current levels.
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Equally, it is not to be doubted that luxury
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and everything constituting the refinements of
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life will have to disappear from the social
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scene for quite a long time and will not be
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able to reappear as the exclusive amusements of
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a few, but will have to return as ways of
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dignifying life for everybody, and then only
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once society has conquered need in all of us.
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But would this temporary eclipse of the lofty
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sciences be such a misfortune? Whatever science
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may lose in terms of sublime elevation, will it
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not win through the extension of its base?
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Doubtless there will be fewer illustrious
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sages, but at the same time there will be fewer
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ignoramuses too. There will be no more of
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these men who can touch the skies, but, on the
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other hand, millions of men who may be degraded
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and crushed today will be able to tread the
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earth as human beings: no demigods, but no
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slaves either. Both the slave and the demigods
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will achieve human-ness, the one by rising a
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lot, the other by stooping a little. Thus no
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longer will there be a place for deification,
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nor for contumely. Everyone will shake hands
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with his neighbour and, once reunited, we shall
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all march with a new spring in our steps,
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onwards to new conquests, in the realm of
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science as in the realm of life itself.
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So, far from having any misgivings about that
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eclipse of science - which will be in any case
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only a fleeting one we ought to call for it
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with all our powers since its effect will be to
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humanise both scholar and manual labourer and
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to reconcile science and life. And we are
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convinced that, once we have achieved this new
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foundation, the progress of mankind, in the
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realm of science as elsewhere in life, will
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very quickly outstrip everything that we have
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seen and everything we might conjure up in our
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imaginations today. But here another question
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crops up: will every individual have an equal
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capacity for absorbing education to the same
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degree? Let us imagine a society organised
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along the most egalitarian lines, a society in
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which children will, from birth onwards, start
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out with the same circumstances economically,
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socially and politically, which is to say the
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same upkeep, the same education, the same
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instruction: among these thousands of tiny
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individuals will there not be an infinite
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variety of enthusiasms, natural inclinations
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and aptitudes?
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Such is the big argument advanced by our
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adversaries, the bourgeois pure and simple, and
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the bourgeois socialists as well. They imagine
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it to be unanswerable. So let us try to prove
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the opposite. Well, to begin with, by what
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right do they make their stand for the
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principle of individual capabilities? Is there
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room for the development of capabilities in
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society as at present constituted? Can there be
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room for that development in a society which
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continues to have the right of inheritance as
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its foundation? Self-evidently not; for, from
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the moment that the right of inheritance
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applies, the career of children will never be
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determined by their individual gifts and
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application: it will be determined primarily by
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their economic circumstances, by the wealth or
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poverty of their families. Wealthy but empty-
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headed heirs will receive a superior education;
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the most intelligent children of the
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proletariat will receive ignorance as their
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inheritance, just as happens at present. So,
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is it not hypocritical, when speaking not only
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of society as it is today but even of a
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reformed society which would still have as its
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fundaments private property ownership and the
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right of inheritance - Is it not sordid
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sophistry to talk about individual rights based
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on individual capabilities? There is such a lot
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of talk today of individual liberty, yet what
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prevails is not the individual person, nor the
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individual in general, but the individual upon
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whom privilege is conferred by his social
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position. Thus what counts is position and
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class. Just let one intelligent individual
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from the ranks of the bourgeoisie dare to take
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a stand against the economic privileges of that
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respectable class and you will see how much
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these good bourgeois, forever prattling about
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individual liberty today, respect his liberty
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as an individual Don't talk to us about
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individual abilities! Is it not an everyday
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thing for us to see the greatest abilities of
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working men and bourgeois forced to give way
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and even to kowtow before the crass stupidity
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of the heirs to the golden calf? Individual
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liberty - not privileged liberty but human
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liberty, and the real potential of individuals
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- will only be able to enjoy full expansion in
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a regime of complete equality. When there
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exists an equality of origins for all men on
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this earth then, and only then (with
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safeguards, of course, for the superior calls
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of fellowship or solidarity, which is and ever
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shall remain the greatest producer of all
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social phenomena, from human intelligence to
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material wealth) only then will one be able to
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say, with more reason than one can today, that
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every individual is a self-made man. Hence our
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conclusion is that, if individual talents are
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to prosper and no longer be thwarted in
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bringing forth their full fruits, the first
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precondition is that all individual privileges,
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economic as well as political, must disappear,
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which is to say that all class distinctions
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must be abolished. That requires that private
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property rights and the rights of inheritance
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must go, and equality must triumph
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economically, politically and socially.
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But once equality has triumphed and is well
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established, will there be no lonaer any
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difference in the talents and degree of
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application of the various individuals? There
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will be a difference, not so many as exist
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today, perhaps, but there will always be
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differences. Of that there can be no doubt.
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This is a proverbial truth which will probably
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never cease to be true - that no tree ever
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brings forth two leaves that are exactly
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identical. How much more will this be true of
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men, men being much more complicated creatures
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than leaves. But such diversity, far from
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constituting an affliction is, as the German
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philosopher Feuerbach has forcefully noted, one
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of the assets of mankind. Thanks to it, the
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human race is a collective whole wherein each
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human being complements the rest and has need
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of them; so that this infinite variation in
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human beings is the very cause and chief basis
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of their solidarity - an important argument in
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favour of equality.
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Basically, even in todays society, if one
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excepts two categories of men - men of genius
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and idiots - and provided one abstracts
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conjured up artificially through the influence
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of a thousand social factors such as education,
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instruction, economic and political status
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which create differences not merely within each
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social stratum, but in almost every family
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unit, one will concede that from the point of
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view of intellectual gifts and moral energy the
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vast majority of men are very much alike or, at
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least, are worth about the same - weakness in
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one regard being almost always counterbalanced
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by an equivalent strength in another, so that
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it becomes impossible to say whether one man
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chosen from this mass is much the superior or
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the inferior of his neighbour. The vast
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majority of men are not identical but
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equivalent and thus equal.
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Which means that the line of argument pursued
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by our adversaries is left with nothing but the
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geniuses and the idiots.
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As we know, idiocy is a psychological and
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social affliction. Thus, it should be treated
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not in the schools but in the hospitals and one
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is entitled to expect that a more rational
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system of social hygiene - above all, one that
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cares more for the physical and moral well-
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being of the individual than the current system
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- will some day be introduced and that together
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with a new society organised along egalitarian
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lines it will eventually eradicate from the
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surface of the earth this affliction of idiocy,
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such a humiliation to the human race. As for
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the men of genius, one should note first of all
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that, happily or unhappily, according to one's
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main point of view, such men have not featured
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in the history of mankind except as the
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extremely rare exceptions to all of the rules
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known to us and one cannot organise to cater
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for exceptions. Even so, it is our hope that
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the society of the future will be able to
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discover, through a truly practical popular
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organisation of its collective assets the means
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by which to render such geniuses less
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necessary, less intimidating and more truly the
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benefactors of us all. For we must never lose
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sight of Voltaire's great dictum: 'There is
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someone with more wit than the greatest
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geniuses, and that is everyone'. So it is
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merely a question of organising this everyone
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for the sake of the fullest liberty rooted in
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the most complete economic, political and
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social equality, and one need no longer fear
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the dictatorial ambitions and despotic
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inclinations of the men of genius.
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As for turning out such men of genius through
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education, one ought to banish the thought from
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one's mind. Moreover, of all the men of genius
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we have known thus far, none or almost none
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ever displayed their genius while yet in their
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childhood, nor in their adolescence nor yet in
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their early youth. Only in their mature years
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did they ever reveal themselves geniuses and
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several were not recognised as such until after
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their death whereas many supposedly great men
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having had their praises sung while youths by
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better men have finished their careers in the
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most absolute obscurity. So it is never in the
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childhood years, nor even in the adolescent
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years that one can discern and determine the
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comparative excellencies and shortcomings of
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men, nor the extent of their talents, nor their
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inborn aptitudes. All of these things only
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become obvious and are governed by the
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development of the individual person and, just
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as there are some natures precocious and some
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very slow - although the latter are by no means
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inferior and, indeed, are often superior - so
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no schoolmaster will ever be in a position to
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specify in advance the career or nature of the
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occupations which his charges will choose once
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they attain the age when they have the freedom
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to choose.
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>From which it follows that society,
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disregarding any real or imagined differences
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in aptitudes or abilities and possessed of no
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means of determining these in any event and of
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no right to allot the future career of children
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owes them all, without a single exception, an
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absolutely equal education and instruction.
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[Egalite, 14 August 1869]
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